BBC News: MPs rap UN over Darfur death toll
A House of Commons committee said the number of dead could reach 300,000 - more than four times the World Health Organization’s figure of 70,000.
The International Development Committee also said the world’s response had been “scandalously ineffective”.
That figure of 300,000 seems very familiar. Where have we heard it before? Oh yes:
When giving evidence to the Select Committee on Liaison in July 2003, Tony Blair had this to say:
Q170 Mr Beith: Were you aware when you were at Camp David of the strain of thinking in the US administration, represented by the Deputy Defence Secretary, for example, that the weapons of mass destruction argument was not the most important argument? Indeed, I think he described it as a bureaucratic argument, almost one got up for the benefit of the wider world but not the real motivation.
Mr Blair: I actually had the advantage of reading in detail his words and, in actual fact, he did not quite say that. What he said was that there were three reasons for acting, of which one was weapons of mass destruction, and he did not actually call it a bureaucratic device. What he said was, obviously, the legal base was weapons of mass destruction, and I think that is right. The nature of the regime is relevant because in the hands of a regime like that weapons of mass destruction are all the more dangerous. Again, I simply say that it is important to remind people that this was the only regime in the world that had used chemical weapons against its own people, killing thousands of them. I should say already that in the mass graves that we have discovered we believe that there are the remains of perhaps as many as 300,000 people. If you saw the words of Sergio de Mello, the UN representative now out in Baghdad, he was saying the other day that he thinks it is possible that as many as 300,000 people have been located in mass graves already, so when we contemplate the nature of this regime it is probably beyond our previous estimation of just how evil it was.
The following year, in a widely trailed speech where he sought to justify the Iraq war, Blair said this:
BBC News, March 5 2004: Blair terror speech in full
It may well be that under international law as presently constituted, a regime can systematically brutalise and oppress its people and there is nothing anyone can do, when dialogue, diplomacy and even sanctions fail, unless it comes within the definition of a humanitarian catastrophe (though the 300,000 remains in mass graves already found in Iraq might be thought by some to be something of a catastrophe).
This may be the law, but should it be?
In attempting to muddy the waters on the reasons for war, Blair used the 300,000 figure on several occasions. In November 2003 the number had leapt to 400,000, as quoted in USAID’s Iraq’s Legacy of Terror: Mass Graves:
“We’ve already discovered just so far the remains of 400,000 people in mass graves,” said British Prime Minister Tony Blair on November 20 in London.
But in July 2004, those numbers were heading south:
The Observer: PM admits graves claim ‘untrue’
Downing Street has admitted to The Observer that repeated claims by Tony Blair that ‘400,000 bodies had been found in Iraqi mass graves’ is untrue, and only about 5,000 corpses have so far been uncovered.
Before continuing I need to make the obligatory proviso. That said, I wonder that if Blair finally got around to a nebulous figure of 300,000 dead Iraqis as a reason for war - and by nebulous I don’t mean that 300,000 people weren’t killed, the final figure may very well reach that terrible height, it’s just that Blair was happy to bandy that number and higher around for his own ends without any proof - why his silence on a similar projection of deaths in Darfur?
And according to the CIA Factbook, Sudan’s export commodities include “oil and petroleum products”.
Not that Iraq was about oil. No, it was about weapons of mass destruction. Or was humanitarian intervention to rid a country of a government and its leaders that had brought death and destruction to their country? To the tune of 300,000(ish) deaths. So, isn’t sauce for the goose, sauce for the gander?
This isn’t to advocate an invasion of Sudan. On the eve of the Iraq war, the Guardian’s Jonathan Freedland gave a round-up of what I thought were some very thoughtful and humane - but not perfect - solutions to the human right abuses in Iraq that didn’t gain traction in the wider debate. God knows the anti-war left were short on ideas of what to do with Saddam if we weren’t to invade. As a then active member of the Stop The War movement, I soon realised that the status quo advocated by the movement’s Communist/Muslim fundamentalist coalition leadership was going to help nobody and allowed the likes of Blair, and most vocally, Nick Cohen to paint us as at best naive fools and at worst appeasers of torturers, rapists and murderers.
Freedland does a similar thing in today’s Guardian. Stating that military interventions, at least with a British contingent, are for now a busted flush (with only Blair to blame) he gives voice to this:
Patrick Smith, editor of Africa Confidential, suggests not some grand invasion but help - in the form of equipment and expertise - for the tiny, “totally inadequate” African Union force already on the ground.
Proper surveillance, including planes flying overhead, “works wonders”, says Smith, spooking those who would otherwise feel free to murder. He and others also reckon the threat of a war crimes prosecution at the international criminal court, currently blocked by the US, would stay the hand of Darfur’s murderers.
All the plan would need is a wild-eyed idealist, with one eye on the ballot box and the other on the history books. A man with legendary powers of persuasion, a moral collossus at his best when bestriding the world stage, who can play fast and loose when it’s required. A consensus-builder who feels the world’s pain, for who Africa is a scar on the world’s conscience.
Do we know anybody like that?